A return to permanent war is here: First it will bankrupt America, then destroy it
The United States, as the near-unanimous vote to provide nearly $40 billion in aid to Ukraine illustrates, is trapped in the death spiral of unchecked militarism. The permanent war economy, implanted since the end of World War II, has destroyed the private economy, bankrupted the nation, and squandered trillions of dollars of taxpayer money. We are paying a heavy social, political and economic cost for our militarism. RELATED: Pimps of war: Neocons who fueled 20 years of carnage in the Middle East are back for more There were three restraints to the avarice and bloodlust of the permanent war economy that no longer exist. None of these opposition forces, which did not reverse the permanent war economy but curbed its excesses, now exist. Want a daily wrap-up of all the news and commentary Salon has to offer? Subscribe to our morning newsletter, Crash Course. The handful of anti-militarists and critics of empire from the left, such as Noam Chomsky, and the right, such as Ron Paul, have been declared persona non grata by a compliant media. Since all we do is war, all proposed solutions are military.
Since all we do is war, all proposed solutions are military. These are demented and dangerous fantasies, perpetrated by a ruling class that has severed itself from reality. Washington is desperately trying to build military and economic alliances to ward off a rising China, whose economy is expected by 2028 to overtake that of the United States, according to the U. But fewer and fewer nations, even among European allies, are willing to be dominated by the United States. A key component to the sustenance of the permanent war state was the creation of the all-volunteer force. The all-volunteer force, by limiting the pool of available troops, also makes the global ambitions of the militarists impossible. "As a consequence, the problem of too much war and too few soldiers eludes serious scrutiny," writes historian and retired Army Col. Expectations of technology bridging that gap provide an excuse to avoid asking the most fundamental questions: Does the United States possess the military wherewithal to oblige adversaries to endorse its claim of being history's indispensable nation? And if the answer is no, as the post-9/11 wars in Afghanistan and Iraq suggest, wouldn't it make sense for Washington to temper its ambitions accordingly? There is a deep loathing among the public for these elitist Ivy League architects of American imperialism.
Donald Trump committed the heresy of questioning the sanctity of American empire, calling the invasion of Iraq a "big, fat mistake. The establishment oligarchs, now united in the Democratic Party, distrust Donald Trump. Noam Chomsky took some heat for pointing out, correctly, that Trump is the "one statesman" who has laid out a "sensible" proposition to resolve the Russia-Ukraine crisis. Trump is too unfocused and mercurial to offer serious policy solutions. The 57 Republicans who refused to support the $40 billion aid package to Ukraine, along with many of the 19 bills that included an earlier $13. "An unknown amount of money to the CIA and Ukraine supplemental bill but there's no formula for American babies," she added. Greene, like Trump, spoke a truth that resonates with a beleaguered public.
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